Beware of the archives

Those worn out of working day and night and who are attracted by what modern means of communication like Facebook and its likes provide may not find the time to read the recently published books or the fine academic-like resources and references that are different to what I once called the “Kleenex books”. By “Kleenex book” I mean those papers enclosed between two covers that once you skim through it and read its introduction, index and final, you throw it in the nearest garbage bin no matter how many papers it contains.

Therefore, and since I’m aware of this sad fact, I call upon my colleague journalists and writers, in specific those who happened to occupy supervising positions that we call in Egypt “top positions”, to read what is published of memoirs for journalists and thinkers, also for politicians and ex-officials, since not a single case of those memoirs is empty of a clear hint or considerable details of the press and those who were in charge of it in the time periods those memoirs tackle.

What may support my appeal is what we already see in reality or in the socio-political arena that we witness every day and which proves that what goes around comes around. It also proves that one cannot trust politics or authority as both of them are not guaranteed to remain loyal to their supporters.

In the memoir of prestigious journalist Mr. Muhammed Salmawi published by Al-Karma publishing house in 2017, one can find quick hints for what the Egyptian newspapers published during the uprising of Jan. 1977 as Salmawi was one of those arrested due to it. In his word during the signing ceremony of the memoir, Dr. Gaber Asfour called these hints “the revenge of the archives” as the memoir’s writer mentioned what some editors-in-chef and writers wrote and the decisions some chairmen of the board of some newspapers took at the time against their colleagues whom the authority considered as opponents to regime figures and threatening the stability and social harmony as seen by the authority.

With the long time span between those writings and decisions taken and the time when this memoir was written, both the ordinary reader and the one specialist in understanding the surrounding environment and contexts can find out that being in agreement with the regime in common goals and policies is different to justifying its mistakes and turning a blind eye to its defaults.

Usually the one who committed the sin of hypocrisy and opportunism cannot rectify his situation or correct his mistake. Also, he may receive no punishment whatsoever from the authority and may continue enjoying the gains he made whether financial, material or family ones represented in affinities and interests. However, he feels sad due to people’s looks to him and also because he knows very well that if someone had the time to open the files, look through the archives, read and analyze what he found of writings belonging to this kind of humans, the result would be devastating by all means for those who still have feelings, as to others having no feelings at all, one finds them coming back to their old deeds feeling no shame.

Mr. Salmawi mentioned what an editor-in-chef wrote in 1977, what some writers wrote and the decisions some chairmen of the board took during 1977 and 1981. The memoir’s writer made sure to annex photocopies of the published papers containing what was written lest someone accuses him of concealing the truth or being unjust to some died or others who left their positions and assume no authority now.

The one who studies and carefully reads history can tell the difference between having a national conviction with cultural and intellectual aspects and hence a broad and deep political sense to support the decision maker and stand against any attempt threatening the country and keeping its cohesion, balance, power and role, and being opportunist seeking personal gains alone. In the first case, meaning having an unshakeable national conviction, one is always ready to stay at the back, abstaining from holding any positions, not hesitating to pay the price and bear responsibility for his stance. As to the second, the opportunist hurries to jump off the boat at the sight of first danger like rats do while trying to catch up with and offer his services to the new regime.

Reading history tells us that regimes are often in deep need to servants more than partners, peers or even co-operating people working as per the rule “I work with you and not a servant for you”. However, what regimes need is totally different to respecting history.

Finally... beware of “the revenge of the archives”!

Translated into English by: Dalia Elnaggar

This article was published in Al Ahram newspaper on December 28, 2017.

To see the original article, go to:

http://ahmadelgammal.blogspot.com.eg/2017/12/blog-post_28.html

#alahram #ahmed_elgammal #Muhammed_Salmawi_memoir #Egypt #journalism #press

Salute to Hakeem Mounir Salib soul

 

Chancellor Hakim Mounir Salib

I read his obituary, written in less than two lines, after he died, so I respected the man and honored him more than before.

The story says Anwar Sadat wanted to refer the case of the popular uprising that took place on January 18 and 19, 1977 to him thinking the man would abstain from clashing with the ruling regime for he is Coptic – meaning Christian – and so he would rule in favor of the president. Sadat was right about one thing; the man was a Christian Egyptian, meaning Coptic as we – Egyptians – all are. The rest of Sadat’s expectations was wrong for “he has failed who invents [such falsehood][1]” as Lord said. When the man heard of Sadat’s full expectations he swore by his sanctities – atop of them were his conscience and honor – that he would never judge but with law and nothing but the law. Once the verdict was announced, Sadat hurried to appeal and ordered it being transferred to another jurisdiction. Afterwards, Sadat was killed by the Islamist devil he himself summoned and was not able to dismiss. Although 30 years have passed, the case is still in court to date!

He is the Egyptian to the bones, Chancellor Hakeem Mounir Salib, head of the Supreme State Security Court. Salib was accompanied by Chancellor Ali Abdel-hakeem Omara on his right and Chancellor Ahmed Muhammed Bakkar on the left.

Pleading before this honorable bunch were a group of elite lawyers including Dr. Esmat Saif-aldawla, Mr. Adel Amin, Muhammed Momtaz Nassar, Essam Aleslamboli, Sameh Ashour, Abdelraouf Ali, Salah Abdel-magiud, Dr. Yehia Algamal, Muhammed Fahim Amin, Ahmed Nabil Alhelali, Abdullah Alzoghbi, Muhammed Abulfadl Algezawi, Muhammed Sabri Mubdi, Khalil Abdel-kareem, Dr. Galal Ragab, Maher Muhammed Ali, and Dr. Abdelhaleem Mandoor. Meantime, those standing behind bars in court exceeded hundred and seventy five defendants, including me bearing no. 162 and Ahmed Fouad Negm[2] bearing no. 158.

Before narrating what I literally excerpt from the verdict statement issued by the late honorable judge, I’d like to mention I constantly revise some of the Egyptian jurisdiction literary-fluent Arabic including that of the prosecution. Atop of these literary statements what came in the Egyptian prosecution statement written by Chancellor Muhammed Bek Nour in 1924 acquitting Dr. Taha Hussien, dean of the Arabic literature, of the accusations leveled at him by some people who accused him of blasphemy upon publishing his book “on pre-Islamic poetry”. The then-prosecution head, Muhammed Nour, discussed all that was mentioned in the book presenting points of view opposing that of Taha Hussien, to the extent you may believe he is heading the department of Arabic language and civilization in the most prestigious universities and not the public prosecution.

The late honorable man, Hakeem Salib, tackled incidents of January 18 and 19, 1977 with careful study and investigation before the court discussed evidences against defendants.

Here to the verdict statement: “but the court, while tackling these incidents with due inspection and investigation for finding the cause and truth lying behind, has to say in the beginning that an economic crisis was taking the grip of the Egyptian nation at that time; the crisis that extended to all aspects of life and human necessities for the Egyptian people who were struggling hard trying to provide their food while fighting the soaring prices with their fixed incomes. This suffering affected people’s daily life in a very cruel way; they were exhausted and worn-out in moving from one place to another due to transportation problem while struggling every day, hour, and moment with lack of services not to mention the deterioration inflicted with such services. Above all this came the housing crisis, despair gripped people’s hearts especially young men for they may not afford having a proper house; the necessity that is essential for building a family and future life.

In the middle of this crunching crisis, Egyptians used to hear government officials and politicians promising prosperity and solutions capable of putting an end to their sufferings and turning their life-to-come into an easy charmed one. While living in dreams broadcasted day and night in media outlets, people were suddenly shocked by government decisions raising prices of many essential goods affecting their daily provisions without prior preparation or warning. We can imagine the growing frustration that gripped those people’s hearts, the feelings they had before and the despair that washed over them after these decisions. How can these people, with most of them low-income, balance between fixed incomes and such madly exorbitant prices?

A huge gap between the collapsing hopes and the bitter reality tore Egyptians’ hearts and souls. These furious emotions had to find a way out and so people, pouring in masses, took to the streets and squares. These demonstrations were collective and purely spontaneous. The masses huddled together roaring, clamoring, and declaring their fury and anger upon the decisions that killed hopes and destroyed the high expectations.

Security forces tried to quell protests and regain control but failed amid this growing anger and great pains. In the middle of this raging sea, vandals found a way to fulfill their evil instincts; they went burning, vandalizing, destroying, and looting money feeling safe from harm among such roaring masses. People went mad as hell when central security men stood in their way armed with clubs, shields, and tear-gas canisters. Things went out of control and chaos prevailed. Nothing could be done to stop riots and regain control and security but imposing curfew and having the armed forces men deployed in the streets. Only then, and with great effort, security was restored.

The court, as ascertained by the knowledge residing in the breast of its judges, undoubtedly believes the economic decisions of raising prices were the direct and sole motive behind the serious incidents that took place on January 18 and 19, 1977. Those incidents are linked to the decisions like the result is linked to the causes”.

I excerpted a small part of Chancellor Hakeem Salib’s statement, the man who will stay alive and well-remembered in the nation’s conscience. “As for the foam, it vanishes, [being] cast off[3]”…What the hell of foam we used to have that topped our political and cultural life, but it soon vanished.

This article was published in Almasry alyoum newspaper on January 27, 2016.

To see the original Arabic version, go to:

http://www.almasryalyoum.com/news/details/881507

#almasry_alyoum#ahmed_elgammal#mounir_hakeem_salib#1977_uprising#Egypt#egyptian_prosecution#taha_hussien#sadat#coptic_egypt#jan_18_19_1977

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[1] Verse 60 of Taha chapter or Surah in Quran (Arabic: وقد خاب من افترى).

[2] Ahmed Fouad Negm :(Arabic: أحمد فؤاد نجم‎), (22 May 1929 – 3 December 2013), popularly known as el-Fagommi (Arabic: الفاجومي), was an Egyptian vernacular poet. Negm is well known for his work with Egyptian composer Sheikh Imam, as well as his patriotic and revolutionary Egyptian Arabic poetry. Negm has been regarded as "a bit of a folk hero in Egypt. (Source: Wikipedia)

[3] verse 17, Ra’d Chapter in Quran.