Showing posts with label Politics. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Politics. Show all posts

Tuesday, 8 March 2016

Politics and thought atrocities


 
Om Kulthum
In last week’s article, I thought I was clever when I dropped a word that drove the whole meaning out of context. I thought those who know me well and follow my writings would recognize the trick and not believe I might attack or underrate legends like Om Kulthum[1], Mohammed Abdel Wahab[2], or Abdel Halim Hafez[3] in favor of praising the late Al-ostaz Heikal. However, many got the point and realized what I was aiming at through the context of the article. I was pointing at those mediocre or even ignorant people who attack national and humanitarian figures like the ones I mentioned before.

Now that I unraveled the misunderstanding, I would like to talk today about people incapable of discussing certain phenomena, whether political, ideological, or behavioral, those incapable of analyzing circumstances, causes, and contexts that may make a phenomenon continue to exist, and even continue to affect although they believe it’s a negative one and full of shortcomings and flaws. Instead of discussing and analyzing aspects of the phenomenon and seeking references according to scientific research disciplines settled in social and humanitarian sciences in general, and history, sociology, social Psychology, and political theories and systems in particular, they tend to launch heavy raids of attack full of mistakes; what some ordinary people like me call “Radh[4] and farsh melaya[5]”.

I may excuse some who replace the former by the latter for they are ignorant and know nothing about research disciplines, although they may be regarded – according to others and of course to themselves – as intellectuals just because they are known to be regular visitors of some late night clubs’ gatherings or sitting to a distinguished capitalist’s banquet who likes culture and loves to add those “culture” figures to his collection. They, in turn, want to repay him for his generosity and, in doing so, they go into attacking what he may dislike or have a negative opinion about. However, those who have good knowledge of scientific methods of research and respect their word have no excuse at all.

We are witnessing a congestion of politics and thought in Egypt these days just like that of the traffic… when every driver seeks to pose the front of his car in the beginning paying no attention to traffic lights and probably hitting the traffic man and pedestrians as well… when pedestrians walk in all directions without any control… when sexual harassers, pick-pockets, and atrocities of all kinds thrive in such chaos, starting with the atrocity of violating traffic lights and disdaining the traffic man, to the atrocity of throwing cigarettes’ ends, empty cans, banana and mandarin peels, and plastic bags out of the car windows… etc.

Going a bit farer, we would arrive at atrocities of politics and thought. Such atrocities come to reality when critical argument based on analysis and understanding introductions, contexts and results is replaced by absence of references, hollow attacks, and fatal fallacies. In such way, we become incapable of providing an alternative point of view or even become coward in disclosing those opinions and stances.

We can fiercely attack and mock muslim brotherhood, salafists, and all their religion-dressed likes. It’s the same when attacking revolutionary socialists, Marxists, liberals, Nasserists[6], those who have no ideology at all, pragmatics, and others.

We have already witnessed some recurring waves of attacks criticizing the July, 23 1952 revolution, Abdel-Nasser and the Nasserism[7] in the past. It’s strange those who were involved in such attacking raids didn’t make moral out of their accumulated experience when some ruling regimes in the European, American west, Hebrew state, and in the region started to talk about the coup and colonels’ and military rule at the beginning of the 50’s. Another circles of influence, talking in the name of Islam, followed the same style and started attacking apostates and heretics; those who call for Socialism and nationalization, and who killed Imams calling for spreading Islam in 1954 and 1965. Afterwards came other waves when well-known names like Saleh Gawdat[8], Moussa Sabri[9], Anis Mansour[10], and others surfaced. Those figures used to praise Nasser and the revolution at first and later turned against it… Waves were many with all of them focusing on the same things like repeating what was already said and confirming what was already confirmed.

I urge those, who tend to astonish us with what is already known, to exert some effort and thinking into researching the circumstances that made a political social phenomenon like the July, 23 revolution and Nasserism still exists and sometimes is on the rise, affecting the present and future of the society, not to mention that this effect is not limited to Egypt alone but extends to far territories like in some Latin American and African countries who hold the same admiration to Nasser and Nasserism. This kind of research is the only way to analyze the phenomenon and stand against its deficiencies if it has any or to highlight what it may possess of positive aspects in order to avoid the same fate.

I wrote many articles in Al-Ahram and Almasry alyoum newspapers discussing the phenomenon of muslim brotherhood and salafists. In doing so, I sought references and sources starting from Ibn Hanbal[11]’s Fiqh and Fatwas, Ibn Taymiyyah[12] and Ibn Abdel-Wahhab[13] ideology, through Hassan el-Banna[14] letters and to Sayyid Qutb[15] and al-Albani[16] books. I believe I presented a point of view that was committed to due research disciplines and rules of analysis. I’m about to do the same thing regarding discussing the phenomenon of those calling to unlimited cooperation with the Hebrew state and the Zionist movement pouring their wrath on any one opposing them and naming him ignorant, reactionary, and slave for dictatorship ideas and practices… to the end of the note. I may start detecting and analyzing by referring to those who used to name themselves “real beneficiaries” at the beginning of the twentieth century, represented by al-Omma[17] party at that time, who called for cooperation with the British occupation. Such historic dimension could be a good entry to understand the circumstances that may result in such ideologies.

I urge those who endeavor to enlighten the public opinion with the atrocities of some ideologies like Nasserism to stop repeating and reproducing the same discourse developed by the waves mentioned before in the article.

As to those who have never paid a price for any stance they ever had, either from their freedom, livelihood, or work, and who tend to satisfy their masters… they are totally excused.

Translated into English by: Dalia Elnaggar



This article was published on Almasry alyoum newspaper on March 8, 2016.

To see the original Arabic version, go to:

#almasry_alyoum#Ahmed_elgammal#politics#Nasserism#Gamal_abdel_Nasser#zionism#British_occupation#Socialism




[1] Om Kulthum(Egyptian Arabic: أم كلثوم) on an uncertain date (December 31, 1898 or May 4, 1904) and who died February 3, 1975, was an internationally famous Egyptian singer, songwriter, and film actress active from the 1920s to the 1970s. She is given the honorific title, Kawkab al-Sharq كوكب الشرق ("Star of the East") in Arabic. Known for her extraordinary vocal ability and style, Om Kulthum was one of the greatest and most influential Arab singers of the 20th century. (Source: Wikipedia)
[2] Mohammed Abdel Wahab(Arabic: محمد عبد الوهاب) (March 13, 1902 – May 4, 1991) was a prominent 20th-century Arab Egyptian singer and composer. (Source: Wikipedia)
[3] Abdel Halim Ali Shabana(Arabic: عبدالحليم علي شبانة), commonly known as Abdel Halim Hafez (Arabic: عبد الحليم حافظ) (June 21, 1929 – March 30, 1977), is among the most popular Egyptian and Arab singers. In addition to singing, Halim was also an actor, conductor, business man, music teacher and movie producer. He is considered to be one of the Great Four of Arabic music (along with Om Kulthum, Mohammed Abdel Wahab, and Farid Al Attrach). He is known as el-Andaleeb el-Asmar (The Dark-Skinned Nightingale, Arabic: العندليب الأسمر). He is also known as an icon in modern Arabic music. To this day, his music is still enjoyed throughout the Arab world. (Source: Wikipedia)
[4] Radh: (Arabic: ردح) a slang word in Egyptian Arabic meaning to insult or to defame.
[5] Farsh melaya: (Arabic: فرش ملاية) an Egyptian idiom, literally means “to lay the sheet down on the ground”, but actually means to insult and defame someone; just like Radh. Women living in modest neighborhoods in Egypt used to wrap their bodies in black sheets when they come out of home, when a woman disagree with another and wants to insult her, she used to unfold and lay her sheet down on the ground and sit over it in order to feel comfortable and take her time in insulting her rival with the worst vulgar words she knew; and hence came the idiom.
[6] Nasserists: (Arabic: الناصريين) those who believe in and adopt Nasserism as an ideology.
[7] Nasserism(Arabic: الناصرية أو التيار الناصري) is a socialist Arab nationalist political ideology based on the thinking of Gamal Abdel Nasser, one of the two principal leaders of the Egyptian Revolution of 1952, and Egypt's second President. Spanning the domestic and international spheres, it combines elements of Arab socialism, republicanism, nationalism, anti-imperialism, Developing world solidarity, and international non-alignment. In the 1950s and 1960s, Nasserism was amongst the most potent political ideologies in the Arab world. (Wikipedia)
[8] Saleh Gawdat: (Arabic: صالح جودت) (1912 – 1976) was a prominent contemporary Egyptian poet.
[9] Moussa Sabri: (Arabic: موسى صبري) (1925 – 1992) was a prominent Egyptian journalist.
[10] Anis Mansour: (Arabic: أنيس منصور) (1924 – 2011) was a prominent Egyptian journalist.
[11] Aḥmad ibn Ḥanbal: (Arabic:أحمد بن حنبل ) was a Muslim scholar and theologian. He is considered the founder of the Hanbali school of Islamic jurisprudence. Ibn Hanbal is known for his restricted opinions and religious jurisdictions in Islam.
[12] Aḥmad ibn Taymiyyah (Arabic: ابن تيمية) known as Ibn Taymiyyah (22 January 1263 - 26 September 1328) was an Islamic scholar, theologian and logician. He lived during the troubled times of the Mongol invasions, much of the time in Damascus. He was a member of the school founded by Ahmad ibn Hanbal and is considered by his followers, along with Ibn Qudamah, as one of the two most significant proponents of HanbalismIbn Taymiyyah sought the return of Sunni Islam to what he viewed as earlier interpretations of the Qur'an and the Sunnah.(source: Wikipedia)
[13] Muhammad ibn ʿAbdel-Wahhab(Arabic: محمد بن عبد الوهاب; 1703 – 22 June 1792) was a Sunni Muslim preacher and scholar from Nejd in central Arabia who claimed to "purify" Islam by returning it to what, he believed, were the original principles of that religion as the salaf, that is first three generations of Muslims, understood it. (Source: Wikipedia)
[14] Hassan al-Banna(Arabic: حسن البنا) (14 October 1906 – 12 February 1949) founder of the Muslim Brotherhood.
[15] Sayyid Qutb(Arabic: سيد قطب) (9 October 1906 – 29 August 1966) was a leading member of the Egyptian muslim brotherhood. Qutb is considered to be responsible for the extremist ideology adopted by the muslim brotherhood.
[16] Al-Albani: (Arabic: محمد نصر الدين الألباني(1914 – October 2, 1999) was an Albanian Islamic scholar who specialized in the fields of hadith and fiqhHe is recognized as one of the leading figures in Salafism. (Source: Wikipedia)
[17] Al-Omma party: (Arabic: حزب الأمة) a political liberal party founded in 1907. The party was first headed by Mahmud Pasha Soliman with Ahmed Lotfi el-Sayed as its political architect. The party had a slogan saying: “real beneficiaries are sons of big Egyptian families” and another one saying: “Egypt is only for Egyptians”.

Friday, 19 February 2016

Heikal…the institutional phenomenon


 
Heikal

He preferred to stay silent when receiving any invitation to talk in commemoration gatherings. He preferred to express his feelings of sorrow for those dear to the deceased in a short message or cable, likely because he didn’t like talking about death and wasn’t good at commemorating or even praising. May be if it had been possible to ask him about his eulogy or commemoration, he would immediately have refused preferring everyone should be dismissed to their assigned job. Whenever an individual turns into a unique figure in history, only then accustomed rules-disciplined scientific research can state its judgment which will definitely not be “in favor of” or “against”, but rather detecting, analyzing, and connecting incidents together in order to extract lessons out of it.

It’s the side I knew in Mohammed Hassanein Heikal and definitely others know more than I do. In my opinion, that was the trait that doesn’t necessitate to be described as the best – like professors of Principles of Jurisprudence say – but rather requires the man should be described as a phenomenon and a national and humanitarian institution.

Until scientific research in history, politics, journalism, sociology, and biography takes command regarding Heikal’s life, I believe attributes will be limited to the personal perspective when writing about his departure. It’s normal since main source of writing in this case will stem from Al-ostaz[1] Heikal’s relationship with all these parties. Those who co-worked with him and others who learned and worked under his command in journalism have their perspective and those who witnessed him in policy-making “kitchens”, presidential and monarchic palaces’ avenues, world capitals and resorts, have their own accounts as well. Even those who used to meet him in the very short distance separating his residential apartment from his office, the short distance separating his secretary staff and assistants, those who used to serve him and serve his guests, everyone of those people have his own perspective that outlines his opinion and conviction about Al-ostaz.

Many circled him in a constellation like planets do when orbiting the sun; they stayed attracted and affected by him; he was their night, day, and four seasons; their tides were linked to his existence. Many others, meantime, refused to submit to his attraction; those were either scraps wandering in wide space or planets rotating around other stars. However, those who opposed him couldn’t deny his ability, and when they do, they become worthy to be described like what the poet said:
If eye denies sunlight, it is due to blindness
And if mouth cannot taste water, it is due to illness!

The relationship between us started long time ago when we were young, when my father used to punish us if he didn’t find his copy of Al-Ahram[2] – Friday’s edition in particular –, the edition he ordered to be kept safe until next one comes out. And so Al-Ahram Friday’s edition – due to the significant value of “besaraha[3]” article – used to escape the destiny of being laid over the dining table, under chicks’ feet, or moistened with water in order to be used in cleaning windows’ glass, or even foiled for the purpose of igniting fire in furnaces and stoves! It was until I knew my way to the newspapers’ seller – this time to buy the paper for me, not for my father – when I realized there were newspapers other than Al-Ahram. That was because Al-Ahram was the only one in “curriculum” at home; I have no idea why it wasn’t Al-akhbar, Al-masry, or Al-gomhoriyea, the papers that circulated at that time in addition to Al-Ahram. Our colleague newspapers sellers’ callings were known to everyone… Read about the accident… Read…. Read… Read for Heikal.

In March, 1971 I was the post-graduate studies’ representative in Ain Shams University and faculty of Arts’ student union and in the preliminary year of my Master’s degree study as well when the culture committee of the union decided to arrange a meeting with Al-ostaz. An appointment was scheduled through his then-secretary Fawzia. We went and were seated in a room attached to his office where we sit at a round table circling him. A long discussion was conducted. I don’t know why I sought to provoke him when he said, ending my annoying attempts, “are you here in a game?!” I stopped and he, welcomingly, published almost all the debate with us in Al-Ahram Friday’s edition instead of his article “besaraha”.

Four years later, I went to his house without prior appointment. His blue-eyed blond secretary Mounir opened the door and asked me: do you have an appointment?! I said, like a big celebrity does: just tell him X from Ain Shams University group. Permission was granted and I was allowed to enter. I saw his youngest son lying in Mounir’s place watching TV. Al-ostaz came, welcoming, and immediately asked me: “aren’t you afraid to come here?! At that time, he fell out with then-president Sadat and left Al-Ahram when Sadat incited his partisans to harass and insult the man with what best suits them, not him!

Meetings and conversations between us – either individually or in groups – lasted since 1974 inside Egypt and abroad. I used to record his regard for me through the dedications he wrote to me on his books!!... Starting from “To X, the young fighter…”, to “Dear friend X…”.

A lot of situations, accounts, and heat in conversation went between us sometimes, with rare anger from his side at times. The worst was when someone – a very mean Jordanian Palestinian man – rushed to him in the morning to check on him after X – me – told him Al-ostaz health condition were bad and that he – Al-ostaz – was suffering from a terminal disease. This wasn’t true. Al-ostaz called me, while the mean guy was sitting before him, and said one short statement: “hey, Ahmed, if I’m suffering from a terminal disease, you will be the first to know”. I immediately said: “I’m sure Y is sitting before you”. Al-ostaz said “yes, talk to him”. I talked to the man and went describing him using all mean words I knew.

I discussed him in his relationship with president Gamal Abdel-Nasser, asked him about his romances, universal beliefs, his understanding for the philosophy of history. He, as usual, preferred to listen first to his guest and go on answering afterwards.

Heikal will always be a historical political sociological journalistic phenomenon… and will ever be a model for the individual who turned into a national and humanitarian institution. I stop here for he didn’t like eulogies or attending commemorations.

Translated into English by: Dalia Elnaggar



This article was published in Al Ahram newspaper on February 19, 2016.

To see the original Arabic version, go to:

#alahram#ahmed_elgammal#Heikal#gamal_abdel_nasser#sadat#journalism#media#newspapers#politics#history#biography#writing




[1] Al-ostaz: (Arabic: الأستاذ) a word meaning Master in Arabic language. Heikal was named by this title to dignify and honor his long life role in journalism in Egypt and the Arab country either through his journalistic essays or his books.
[2] Al-Ahram :(ArabicالأهرامThe Pyramids), founded on 5 August 1875, is the most widely circulating Egyptian daily newspaper, and the second oldest after al-Waqa'i`al-Masriya (The Egyptian Events, founded 1828). It is majority owned by the Egyptian government. Given the large dialectal variety of the Arabic language, Al-Ahram is widely considered an influential source of writing style in Arabic. In 1950, the Middle East Institute described Al-Ahram as being to the Arabic-reading public within its area of distribution, "What The Times is to Englishmen and the New York Times to Americans", however it has often been accused of heavy influence and censorship by the Egyptian government. (Source: Wikipedia)
[3] Besaraha: (Arabic: بصراحة) meaning frankly in Arabic. It was the title of Heikal’s weekly column article in Alahram newspaper.