Showing posts with label Saudi Arabia. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Saudi Arabia. Show all posts

Thursday, 9 November 2017

Theory of communicating vessels in the region




Amid chaos of everyday life; good and bad things, talking over modernizing Da’wa discourse, known as religious discourse, became less and even no longer discussed. In my opinion, it is better to describe it as Da’wa discourse, since religious discourse is what God said in his divine books and messages, while Da’wa means the human interpretation of religion subject to being right or wrong. Being also subject to expire, it may turn into poisoning the minds and souls instead of nourishing them. Moreover, Da’wa discourse is subject to progress and modernization, for human life develops and changes.

I stopped long before what Saudi crown prince Muhammed bin Salman said during the conference in which he unveiled his new development-targeted project “Neom”, as his words were decisive in declaring that his country seeks an enlightened moderate version of religion interpretation and practices; a version that is open to the rest of religions without prejudice. He also added that his country will fight hardline ideologies and terrorism.

I believe all those interested in the issue of religion and religiosity – that is never inseparable of the cultural and civilization context of the social composition of our region – realized that such a qualitative shift in the Saudi society is considered an important and essential contribution to achieving the modernization we look for.

In other words, I mean by “those interested” all who belong to several orientations. The first of them is the one that have always imputed rigidity, extremism and terrorism to the deep roots that grew and spread all over the Arabian Peninsula like Madhhab or school of thought of Ahmed Ibn Hanbal, interpretations of Ahmed Ibn Taymmieya, Muhammed Abdel-Wahhab and those who followed them and were committed to their strict interpretations.

The second is the orientation connecting politics with the necessity to have an ethical and religious cover believing that the boom and predominance of such terrorist and extremist ideology in the region is not only due to those roots of Ibn Hanbal, Ibn Taymmieya and Ibn Abdel-Wahhab, but actually it gained its power from adopting its ideas as an ethical cover for the practices of some parties involved in the political conflict in the region, such parties that dispraise the Arabs, Persians, Turks, and also Zionists.

As to the third orientation, it is the one that cares, on the cultural and intellectual levels, to tackle the problem of conflict between the religious heritage component in the Egyptian social composition in specific, and the other cultural and civilization components extending from geography to history.

These three orientations will find support in what the royal Saudi official said in facing the fourth orientation which some call Salafi while others call it salafist… as this fourth orientation did not deny that its main support comes from its connection to Saudi Da’wa figures, and other figures having the financial capacity and who give some of its surplus to spend over “Da’wa in the name of God”.

I add nothing new when I confirm that what is happening in a certain Arab country, especially of those having influence and significance, cannot be considered an internal affair isolated from the regional area. Actually, it is an important factor affecting the reality and future of the whole region. Evidences confirming such fact are many and extend back in time to the ancient history; meaning before the divine religions and until now. Such fact really helps us understand what the domestic developments in the Saudi kingdom will lead to regarding qualitative shifts in the region which I do hope they turn to be progressing positive ones.

Back to the issue of Da’wa discourse in Egypt that is no longer discussed like before, I would like to say that people’s relation to religion and its institutions is the main carrier of “genes” –if one can use such term here –hindering the cultural and civilization development. In the same manner, such relation could carry the genes of progress if certain conditions were met.

In such regard, I know that recalling the Christian western and European model is wrong, as the historical evolution there is different to ours. However, what happened there still can be used as a general human indicator – as interpreted within its context – to understand how to achieve the progress we hope for, since we haven’t yet defined the relation connecting the religious doctrinal component with the rest of components constituting our cultural and civilization composition, and consequently, the relation connecting all those components with meeting the demands of our contemporary human existence now, tomorrow and after tomorrow; such demands that exceeded long time ago most of our inheritance on all levels.

Furthermore, events, facts and historical contexts in our region proved that if the cultural, intellectual and hence the political consistency primarily between Egypt and the Saudi kingdom was achieved, in addition to, in a way or another, the demographic and civilization significance of the rest of the Arab orient in Syria and Iraq, there is a great hope in accomplishing the required progress on many levels. On the other hand, if such consistency is missed, conflict and disagreement will prevail.

Modernizing Da’wa discourse and practices in the Saudi kingdom and fighting the deviation in Da’wa, economic, financial and behavioral levels is a backing support to modernization and fighting corruption in Egypt. This is not wishful thinking, but an interpretation of the recent history of the two countries’ interaction.

Translated into English by: Dalia Elnaggar




This article was published in Al Ahram newspaper on November 9, 2017.

To see the original article, go to:


#alahram #ahmed_elgammal #Egypt #saudi_arabia #middle_east

Thursday, 3 November 2016

Egyptian-Saudi relations




All life phenomena are relative and interpretable in many ways because the only absolute is God. And so, all that is human may have two or more faces and able to be supported or refuted in the same time. Consequently, relations between countries and societies are susceptible – since they are human phenomena – to all we mentioned above, including for example the relations between Egypt and Saudi Arabia, as one act, if misunderstood, can lead to complicating the relations. In such regard, we have a local proverb that best describes such incident that says: “those who love you will let go anything bad you do, while those who hate you wish you make any mistake to judge you”.

And so, states are keen, through their institutions, to keep their mutual relations based on proper bases and as per the rules set by the sciences and experiences concerned with the international relations in general and regional ones in specific.

Let us be clearer and say that there is some kind of tension in the two states’ relations; meaning Egypt and Saudi Arabia. Although such tension, along with its degree and causes, was not declared yet, we can witness some of its signs. One of these signs was what the secretary general of the Organization of the Islamic Cooperation – a Saudi national – said. Also, the issue of having some oil shipments imported from the Saudi company of Aramco being delayed. Moreover, what the Egyptian foreign minister said in his interview with the Egyptian newspaper of Al Ahram regarding the two countries’ dispute over the Syrian crisis. The reason behind this dispute is that Egypt refuses the military solution and insists on the political one while Saudi Arabia is against this. This means that Saudi Arabia is inclusively pro the military solution and terrorism. Not to mention other matters declared in Mr. Makram Muhammed Ahmed’s article in Al Ahram recently in addition to a TV interview with him in one of the channels.

In my opinion, all the above mentioned incidents – which all smell tension – could have been interpreted and understood otherwise in a way that is more acceptable. Meaning that if we regarded Aramco as a company run by an administration, budget and bank accounts and which deals with its clients as per rules of business as usual, and a client of those was delayed in paying the required sums of money, then taking the appropriate measure as per the agreed-upon rules is understood, otherwise, it was be regarded as a breach of the common. In such way, this issue could be interpreted and that is actually what happened as the Egyptian exporter was late in paying the price of the shipments. Thus, we can read the whole matter away from political interpretation.

In such regard too, the other side has misunderstood what the president said when he was replying to one of the speakers, as he said “Egypt will never kneel down to anyone”. If these words were interpreted according to the context, such misunderstanding would have never been. However, we saw some articles of Saudi journalists reacting to the incident as if the president meant the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia by his words.

Also, the Egyptian foreign minister or the cabinet spokesman could have clarified the statement where the name of the kingdom was mentioned in the minister’s interview in Al Ahram, to explain that connecting between Saudi Arabia and terrorists in Syria was not intentional, and that the context of the minister’s talking, before and after this statement, reveals mutual respect between the two countries.

As to Iyad Madani’s statement, it is utterly unacceptable. It could be regarded as an individual inappropriate trespassing of lines by him. However, reading the incident as a pre-set scenario; meaning that he meant to say what he said, is just a clear example of the local proverb we mentioned earlier.

In such regard, we should encourage all efforts exerted on both the official and non-official levels to tackle such tension, its cause, and how to alleviate it and make sure it does not happen again. On the official level, there are the official institutions in both countries starting from the leaderships; meaning the president and the king, and the concerned ministries and entities on all levels. As to the non-official level; the elite bunch, I here mean tens of businessmen, intellectuals, experts, journalists and artists; those regular guests in discussion rounds or seminars gathering the elite bunch of both countries, like that of the cultural saloon organized by the Saudi ambassador Mr. Ahmed Qattan, the man who keeps no effort in handling any rift between the two states. In doing so, the public relations and soft power can help assuage the official situation and diplomatic ties.

The situation in the region now, also for long coming time and amidst massive changes, cannot bear any rift – even if limited – between Egypt and its brother countries like Saudi Arabia and those of the Gulf Cooperation Council. Not because Egypt is in no need of them, as everyone is badly in need of the others, and needs here are many and not only limited to economic or financial ones. But because we are all facing a danger that threatens the very own existence of our societies; meaning our life and that of the coming generations.

Translated into English by: Dalia Elnaggar


This article was published in Al Ahram newspaper on November 3, 2016.

To see the original article, go to:


#alahram #ahmed_elgammal #Egypt #saudi_arabia

Wednesday, 11 May 2016

On December 18, 1969




I apologize for all who blamed me for not writing for two weeks. It may not be a justifiable excuse if I said that the writer may need some time to rest and review his stance; in order to correct, change, or even to affirm it. On the other side, some may say “fine he did”. In the last two week I went to Dendera in Upper Egypt. It’s the second time for me in less than a year as the first was when I was invited to the second Dendera cultural forum titled “identity of the South”. I shall write about this in a separate article later.

In the last two weeks, a lot of incidents took place; some were good and benevolent while some others were ill-intentioned. However, all compelled me to engage; where exchanging thoughts is the battlefield, pen is the weapon, and accumulated linguistic and cultural knowledge is the ammunition. To be honest to the reader, what really pushed and disturbed me was what was written about the Egyptian army as an entity occupying Egypt. Although my colleague and friend Hamdi Rizq replied as it should be, I’d like to add more to this.

During fierce disputes running regarding Tiran and Sanafir islands, I was about to publish an important document that is not directly related to the matter. Actually, it has to do with the Egyptian-Saudi relations in the 60s. I hoped this document could be part of a wider much-needed debate that exceeds the two islands’ issue as some of those who enflamed the crisis echoed the poor relations’ history between the two countries during the 50s and 60s, and even cited such long-time history to call for current-time clash and dispute.

This document we have is a brief of the first session’s record of the negotiations that ran between president Gamal Abdel Nasser and King Faisal on December 18, 1969. The following are some paragraphs that are literally excerpted from the document:


Nasser:
This meeting is important to review some issues that are crucial for both of us. I’d like to mention that we, in Egypt, have been working hard since 1967 to have strong mutual relations between us. People here have welcomed this visit… since we feel there is some kind of tension that has to be resolved… for the Arabs’ benefit, our mutual relations have to be normal.
Throughout years, we had good relations tying us; Egypt and Saudi Arabia. I believe it would be beneficial if we should clear all disputes in this visit to prevent anyone from fishing in troubled water. We believe that a meeting between Egypt and Saudi Arabia would affect Egypt, Saudi Arabia, the Arab nation, and the world.
It was Yemen that worsened the relations in the first place… and this is over now… once again, I’d like to welcome brother King Faisal and his fellows… and I hope this meeting is for the good of both our countries... I also hope it would help the conference of Rabat succeed.


Faisal:
All what your Excellency has said is right… disagreeing is not normal… what is normal is to act and cooperate like brothers. Relations have been strong and normal since King Abdul-Aziz. What happened afterwards was abnormal. I have already told you Mr. President; if any dispute occurred, that would always be due to a third party.
We hope mutual normal relations are restored… it’s our duty now that we both should work hard to achieve. Interests of our countries – either religious or national – require that we unite in one… those in charge should make all that is possible to make this happen… we seek God’s help in this and God do not accept but collective good deeds.


Nasser:
Actually, since Yemen war that started in 1962 and lasted for 5 years, there have been some incidents that affected our mutual relations… those incidents went in a way that we hadn’t planned for and neither did you.
We consider our meeting in 1967 in Khartoum a decisive point in our relation. I gave my orders to all our branches not to interfere in the domestic affairs of any Arab country whatever happens. Since 1967, we had nothing to do with this issue… our target is Israel.
Media outlets may think we have poor relations and they may act accordingly.
I sent Hussien Abbas twice to make all issues and policies clear regarding all aspects and I sent the invitation. Abbas talked to me and I told him: if any one did anything after 1967, we shall prosecute him before you do and even send him to you for prosecution because these were not my orders. There are always people who try to make use out of this and I wanted to declare this in the aired meeting.


Faisal:
After our meeting in Khartoum, some issues were left unsettled that some tried to worsen. For the benefits of both our countries, we should put an end to this now.
Some were arrested recently in Saudi Arabia who claimed they had connections with some individuals or entities in Egypt… it’s what they said. We didn’t know what to do to them? Should we prosecute them? If we do, they may give their statements during trial and this affects us… Should we issue verdicts without trial and just let them go? …We had to postpone our action.
First, it was a limited group of communists and then they went far in their testimonies and said they had connections and communications with Egypt and other entities and countries. I postponed the decision and hoped not to stir it once again.


Nasser:
We have no party offshoots in the Arab world and we haven’t agreed to such thing… like al-Baath party.


Faisal:
God damn el-Baath party!


Nasser:
We refused to have any offshoot, not even in resistance movements… like in Syria… so we formed the Special Forces. Our stance regarding communism is clear, the Arab nationalists have turned communists.


Faisal:
I have documents that say a top official working in the presidency is involved, it’s Sami Sharaf. He works as per your orders.


Nasser:
We are ready to take whatever necessary steps to make everything clear after the conference. Otherwise, we will keep doubting each other’s intentions and send someone here or there to investigate this or that issue.


Faisal:
Regarding behavior… Al Ahram for example, it’s said that it’s the official spokesman for President Nasser in person… All foreign radios, presidents and Prime Ministers know this.


Nasser:
What is written in Al Ahram does not represent me… it may sometimes state Zakaria Niel’s opinion.


Nawwaf:
Mr. President… beg your pardon but Al Ahram was the first to announce this visit.


Nasser:
Actually, the official newspaper is al-Gumhuriya. Riad Mahmoud could have been mistaken when he didn’t publish the news. Al Ahram is a professional newspaper that has a lot of resources and Heikal is an active journalist; he stays for 12 hours in the newspaper.
For example, it’s said that we support southern Yemen while we don’t have good relations with it. I believe there is still some letdown in the scene that we should work to tackle and I think visits help do such task.


Faisal:
I hope everything would go better and we live up to the expectations of the masses who met us today.


Nasser:
We talked about the Arab nation and agenda of Rabat conference. Tomorrow morning we shall continue. I told the king we are ready to sign a brotherhood and friendship treaty.

***
The document ended. However, I think it still has a significant political importance until this moment despite the fact that it dates back to 1969; meaning such conversation took place 47 years ago! The political significance in my opinion – as a student still studying history – lies in certain points, one of them is that a man like Nasser could assume another policy critical to the one he used to adopt before and then his endeavors to change such policy according to what he thought was self-correctness. Faisal had the same capacity to do the same thing as well. Two men like Nasser and Faisal were able to affirm that mutual relations are pivotal in any proper and normal Arab and international relations. They also pointed to third parties who always fish in troubled water between the two countries and here came the hint at el-Baath party.

Another significance is that it encourages those who take Egypt’s stances in the period extending from 1958 to 1967 as a standard to weigh many stances and political phenomena without paying attention to the updates mentioned in this document and others that are not yet published.

In my opinion, the Egyptian-Saudi relations right now and in the future have to rely on solid basis of continuity and institutions’ cooperation. In such way, they will not be subject to casual or limited disputes, or affected by moody officials here or there. In this regard, there are a lot of details that I will try to mention later.

Translated into English by: Dalia Elnaggar



This article was published in Al Ahram newspaper on May 11, 2016.

To see the Arabic version, go to:

#alahram #ahmed_elgammal #Nasser #king_faisal #Egypt #Saudi_Arabia

Thursday, 14 April 2016

I wonder!!





I write these lines on Tuesday evening before any information on president Sisi’s meeting with intellectuals and others is to be revealed. I start by wondering about the stance adopted by some whom I know well are Arab nationalists either Nasserists or not, especially those who believe in the ideology and ideas of the late dear Dr. Essmat Saif ed-Dawla[1], the prominent Arab nationalist thinker. Wonder arises when I see those sanctifying the concept of Arab nationalism and considering it a priority above all believing that all borders should disappear and all Arab states’ sovereignty should end in order for the whole Arab nations to become one Arab country, we now see them wailing about transferring the sovereignty of those two arid little islands from one Arab state to another. That wailing that goes higher and higher turning into the greatest and most eloquent regional fanaticism as if Egypt has disclaimed one of its sacred treasures to a definite enemy.

What I understand is that true unionist and Arab nationalist is the one who opposes independence attempts meant to separate his Arab nation and opposes establishment of any new regional entities under any claim like the case in as-Saqieya al-Hamra[2] and Wadi az-Zahab[3] for example. In the same time, what he should care about most is that Arab land should stay Arab no matter which Arab state has the sovereignty over it. It’s the same case when we don’t mind to include our great country Egypt in the United Arab Republic[4] where the words Egypt and Syria together disappeared from the term. That’s why I wonder when I see all this wailing that I consider nothing but questioning our patriotism and a tactic adopted by those attacking president Sisi and the current regime; no matter who they are; terrorist muslim brotherhood members, or avenged nationalist or Marxist; those who cannot wait until matter is fully disputed and facts and documents deciding the two islands’ history are revealed.

I here move to what I think goes in the heart of the two islands’ issue and others; I start to agree with the point of view saying that the government failed in choosing the right timing and in serving – if I can use the term serve – the facts it owns starting with the documents and not ending by committees and negotiations that led to such decision. Why haven’t they prepared the nation for such thing by declaring discussions, committees’ formed, discipline adopted, and scenarios of the results that may come out? Why haven’t they negotiated about people reactions’ scenarios and means taken by Sisi and regime opponents; those who make use of any incident to turn facts into lies and falsity to question our stance and score points against the regime hoping that may lead to ousting it no matter the disastrous consequences are?

A lot of talking circulated about the timing including the one that the U.S.A have decided to pull out its troops from Tiran and that it, along with other parties, want to turn the strait into an international one, the matter that cannot be achieved – as some say – unless this strait is shared by two countries and not only one. Some also talked about the Egyptian-Israeli treaties that forbid Egypt from taking any measure or action that may change the two islands’ geography like establishing a bridge over them for example and that’s why transferring sovereignty or returning the two islands to its owner or signing them away to a new one does not submit to any treaty struck with the Hebrew state making such thing; I mean establishing the bridge, possible.

No matter what was said, we can say that having Professor Mufid Shihab[5] in the current crisis of the two islands or any other international case makes us feel comfortable that not a single sand grain will be signed away. I wish the man could have expressed his opinion and told the Egyptian people about the truth regarding the two islands.

For instance, let us assume that the two islands are Egyptian and that they submit to the conditions stipulated in the treaty with the Zionist enemy, and that Egypt wanted to make a diplomatic and political maneuver in order to make the most use of its mutual relations with its sister Arab country; Saudi Arabia, and to contribute to the development of Sinai and revive tourism in places hit by terrorism like Sharm esh-Sheikh and other cities, and that this maneuver was to transfer the two islands’ sovereignty to the Saudi Kingdom to evade the before mentioned treaties and achieve our main goal, and later see how to solve the matter with Saudi Arabia. Based on this assumption, why not have this maneuver as long as the land stays Arab, whether Egyptian Arab, Saudi Arab, or even Jordanian Arab… I direct my words to those calling for Arab nationalism and union?!

I have no doubt in Dr. Mufid Shehab patriotism and professionalism; the Professor of International law and brave negotiator, the one we all knew as a member of the great patriotic negotiators in Taba disputed case with the Israeli enemy, including Dr. Waheed Ra’afat[6], Youssef Abul-Haggag[7], Younan Labib Rizq[8], and others. Also, I can never question the nationalism and patriotism of a man like Dr. Assem ed-Dessouqi, professor of modern and contemporary history and true believer of the Unionist Arab nationalism ideology, who did not hesitate to affirm, citing scientific evidence, that the two islands are Saudi.

Another incident happened three days ago when I received a call from London where my friend Amin al-Ghaffari, well known for his beliefs in Nasserism and Arab nationalism and who paid the price for this out of his freedom when he was imprisoned two times, lives. Amin confirmed that he, along with all who were with him in the political guidance in Youth organization and Socialist institutes in the sixties, used to hear and repeat a piece of information saying that Tiran and Sanafir are Saudis but the Saudi Kingdom asked the two islands are to be put under the Egyptian sovereignty for issues that had to do with the Arab-Zionist conflict.

Anyways, and based on our solid ground of the unionist and Arab nationalist belief, we welcome the anticipated development in our dear Sinai… we welcome our brothers in Saudi Arabia and all those who live in it to our Egypt through the future bridge… we welcome thousands of job opportunities, shops, and busy hotel rooms… we welcome prosperity no matter the future bridge foundations are to be laid down on Egyptian, Saudi, or even Yemeni islands, since all are Arabs.

Translated into English by: Dalia Elnaggar



This article was published in Al Ahram newspaper on April 14, 2016.

To see the Arabic article, go to:

#alahram#ahmed_elgammal#tiran_w_sanafir#Tiran#sanafir#Egypt#saudi_arabia




[1] Essmat Saif ed-Dawla: (Arabic: عصمت سيف الدولة) (August 20, 1923 – March 30, 1996) was an Egyptian Arab nationalist thinker and activist known for his abundant wealth of books. (Source: Wikipedia)
[2] As-Saqieya el-Hamra: (SpanishSaguia el HamraArabicالساقية الحمراء, literally in Arabic, "Red Canal") is, with Wadi ez-Zahab or Río de Oro, one of the two territories that formed the Spanish province of Spanish Sahara after 1969. Its name comes from a waterway that goes through the capital. It’s a contested area between Morocco and The Polisario Front ("Popular Front for the Liberation of as-Saqieya el-Hamra and Río de OroArabicالجبهة الشعبية لتحرير ساقية الحمراء و وادي الذهب); a Sahrawi rebel national liberation movement aiming to end Moroccan presence in the Western Sahara. The Polisario Front is outlawed in the parts of Western Sahara under Moroccan control, and it is illegal to raise its party flag (often called the Sahrawi flag) there. (Source: Wikipedia)
[3] Wadi az-Zahab or Río de Oro(Spanish for "Gold River", Arabic: وادي الذهب) is, with as-Saqieya el-Hamra, one of the two territories that formed the Spanish province of Spanish Sahara after 1969 and is currently a contested area between Morocco and Polisario Front. (Source: Wikipedia)
[4] The United Arab Republic: (Arabic: الجمهورية العربية المتحدةwas a short-lived political union between Egypt and Syria. The union began in 1958 and existed until 1961, when Syria seceded from the union after the 1961 Syrian coup d'état. Egypt continued to be known officially as the "United Arab Republic" until 1971. The president was Gamal Abdel Nasser. It was a member of the United Arab States, a loose confederation with North Yemen which in 1961 dissolved along with the Republic. (Source: Wikipedia)
[5] Mufid Shehab: (Arabic: مفيد شهاب) ex-chief of Cairo University and ex-minister in Mubarak’s regime. Dr. Shehab was a member of the team defending Egypt’s right in Taba. (Source: Wikipedia)
[6] Waheed Fikry Ra’afat: (Arabic: وحيد فكري رأفت) (March 18, 1906 – May 12, 1987) was an Egyptian International Law Professor. (Source: www.Marefa.org)
[7] Youssef Abul-Haggag: (Arabic: يوسف أبو الحجاج) a geographer, engineer, and geologist who was a member of the team defending Egypt’s right in Taba.
[8] Younan Labib Rizk: (Arabic: يونان لبيب رزق(27 October 1933 – 14 January 2008) was a prominent Egyptian historian and literary figure. He was a professor of history at Ain Shams University in Cairo; and was also appointed a member of the History Committee of the Supreme Council for Culture. He was formerly Director of Historical Studies at the Institute of Research and Arab Studies. Rizk was a prolific writer with a weekly column appearing in Al-Ahram newspaper where he founded and headed the History Studies Centre. He was the author of several esteemed publications which rendered him an authority on Modern History, which was the subject of his MA and PhD degrees in 1963 and 1967 respectively. Rizk received numerous awards and medals, including State Incentive Award in Social Sciences in 1995. On the national level, he played a significant role in the dispute over Taba with Israel in 1986–88. The issue was subject to international arbitration and was ruled in Egypt's favor. (Source: Wikipedia)

Thursday, 7 April 2016

Regarding King Salman visit




This time terms will directly hit their meanings and contexts without over-interpreting and in avoiding any linguistic skills, ideological exaggerations, or politics’ tricks. Those terms I mean have to do with the visit of King Salman bin Abdulaziz Al Saud to Egypt, since we; in Egypt, Kingdom of Saudi Arabic, Arab countries, and the whole region, have already shifted from the phase of “no-turning-back point”, “critical moments”, and “common interests” into the more threatening phase of “running down a real steep” and “moments of life or death”. We are now threatened in our own existence as a region, nations, and states, and when I say region I mean the territory that is targeted with partitioning, nations threatened with terrorism and blood-shedding, and states endangered with to-be-or-not-to-be choices that no one ever thought of.

In short, we all are threatened in our own human existence while enemies are awaiting and acting actively not hiding their malicious plans or intents; the latest were what the American president wrote and the reply he received from Turki bin Faisal bin Abdulaziz.

Without digging deep in the past, we can say that history lessons and maybe its rules as well guide the destiny of both nations; Egypt and Saudi Arabia, along with the Arab nation – a term some may not like to mention these days. Those lessons of history confirm the fact that there are main countries that represent the backbone of the Arab orient starting from Egypt in the west and extending eastward to the Levant, Iraq, and Arabian Peninsula. Any strife, conflict, or disagreement over point views or policies will increase the dangers threatening our nations’ existence. It would be useful to have the opportunity to publish the minutes of the meeting conducted by Egypt delegation then headed by president Gamal Abdel Nasser and that of the Saudi kingdom led by King Faisal bin Abdulaziz that took place in Cairo after the 1967 defeat. In that meeting, both sides openly exchanged views over the devastating consequences of the conflict between the two countries and how al-Ba’ath party[1] in specific took part in fueling that conflict. The meeting included a future strategic vision of President Nasser talking about Egypt’s role and strategy after 1967.

King Salman’s visit comes in context of giving due attention, both in Egypt and Saudi Arabic, to the national and pan-Arab security of the two countries together with the Arab nation and the utmost necessity to secure the Red Sea starting from the north in Suez and Aqaba Gulfs to the south at Mandab Strait going along with the Arabian Sea to Hormuz Strait and the Persian Gulf, since this area represents the backbone of our national, Arab, and regional security that one cannot imagine how such important issue is neglected compared to the great focus given to the Mediterranean Sea.

Those who studied history, geography, and politics of Egypt know well that the Red Sea has always been the main focus point of Egypt’s strong rulers throughout its ancient history. That’s why it is said that strategic security of Egypt at that time is guaranteed by securing the area extending from the north at the reversed river sources; meaning the Tigris and Euphrates rivers – since our ancestors considered every river that is not running from south to north, like the River Nile, is a reversed one – to the African horn in the south. Our ancestors have realized, for centuries, that threat always comes from the east and that some of Egypt’s necessary economic resources come from the Southeast as well. Not to mention that this highly-important strategic axis has been the route for the civilized and cultural interaction between Egypt and the Arabian Peninsula extending to the Levant and Iraq in the north and east. Moreover, some theologians have assumed that female sanctification in general has transferred from Egypt to Mecca and then to the rest of the Peninsula, and that Egypt’s Nut[2], Isis[3], and Nephthys[4] have changed into Allat[5], Manat[6], and al-‘Uzza[7] at the Arabian Peninsula.

In the same historical context, Egypt role has developed by the rise of Christianity and continued to affect its neighbors to the north in the Levant and to the south in the Arabian Peninsula, to the extent that some Arabs then residing at the peninsula believed in Christianity due to the profound theologian disputes running in Egypt at that time after the First Council of Nicaea[8] took place in AD 325; the incident that is rich in details too many to mention now. Afterwards came Islam and spread through the Arabian Peninsula and then to Iraq, Levant, Egypt, and North Africa when Egypt had an undeniable role in interpreting the new religion on many different aspects regarding Fiqh, philosophy, and Sufism and in spreading it making use of its civilized, cultural, and military contributions in doing so… space allocated to this article is not enough to go further in describing this side.

And so we find ourselves standing before geographic, historic, civilized, and cultural facts in addition to old and contemporary political reality that lead to only one result that cannot be ignored or disputed; Egypt’s security along with that of the Saudi kingdom and the whole Arab nation in general is at stake if strife and conflict were raged between the two countries.

It’s not only a current situation or an imminent danger imposed by muslim brotherhood, Daesh[9] terrorism groups, and all their religion-proclaimed likes; those who have a terrible misconception of religion and its role in society, but also a matter of principles set on solid ground long time ago by geography, history, and anthropological composition itself.

I agree with those saying that Egypt existence and that of the kingdom are guaranteed by the unity of territories of both countries, cohesion and domestic stability of their communities, and supporting their common battle against terrorism and their collective political stances. I here recall the Saudi political and diplomatic stance led by the late prince Saud bin Faisal in Paris openly warning and threatening against any measures taken to sanction or lay siege to Egypt after 30 June, 2013, and later his opposition to Barack Obama’s approaches.

Such existence incurred more threats and dangers as what was spoiled was not only a fancy journey of a power nation but rather a well-contemplated elaborate plan to dismantle and partition the region in order to reshape it as per what we have read about regarding the 21st century’s Sykes–Picot Agreement.

In this context, I believe that leaders of the two countries should realize the imminent dangers and threats facing their nations in order to be able to develop mechanisms needed to maintain our existence as nations and states. Those aware of our meantime challenges are of pursuit of the hope that bridging the cultural and economic gaps between the two countries and the rest of the Gulf Cooperation Council states may lead to building what I call the civilized, cultural, and economic bulwarks. Those bulwarks that, in turn, constitute a great support for the military and security ones that proved to be not enough at times of facing existence-threatening dangers. Grave breaches in the security and defensive aspects can be dealt with by institutions’ efficiency and vigilance. However, the more dangerous breaches are those targeting our soft power, hitting our communities directly in the heart, aiming at destroying our identity, and thwarting our strong will to go forward. 
  Translated into English by: Dalia Elnaggar

This article was published in Al Ahram newspaper on April 7, 2016.

 #alahram#ahmed_elgammal#Egypt#Saudi_Arabia#Arab_nation#gamal_abdel_nasser#king_Salman#king_faisal#prince_turki#arab_peninsula#security#Barack_Obama#Red_Sea#prince_faisal#gulf_cooperation_council#arab_nation


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[1] The Arab Socialist Ba'ath Party: (Arabicحزب البعث العربي الاشتراكي) was a political party founded in Syria by Michel AflaqSalah al-Din al-Bitar and associates of Zaki al-Arsuzi. The party espoused Ba'athism (from Arabicالبعث Al-Ba'ath or Ba'ath meaning "renaissance" or "resurrection"), which is an ideology mixing Arab nationalistpan-ArabismArab socialist and anti-imperialist interests. Ba'athism calls for unification of the Arab world into a single state. Its motto, "Unity, Liberty, Socialism", refers to Arab unity, and freedom from non-Arab control and interference. (Source: Wikipedia)
[2] Nut: (Arabic: نوت) is the goddess of the sky in the Ennead of ancient Egyptian religion. She was seen as a star-covered nude woman arching over the earth, or as a cow. (Source: Wikipedia)
[3] Isis: (Arabic: إيزيس) is a goddess from the polytheistic pantheon of Egypt. She was first worshiped in Ancient Egyptian religion, and later her worship spread throughout the Roman Empire and the greater Greco-Roman world. Isis was worshipped as the ideal mother and wife as well as the patroness of nature and magic. Isis is often depicted as the mother of Horus, the falcon-headed deity associated with king and kingship (although in some traditions Horus's mother was Hathor). Isis is also known as protector of the dead and goddess of children. (Source: Wikipedia)
[4] Nephthys: (Arabic: نفتيس) was a goddess in ancient Egyptian religion. A member of the Great Ennead of Heliopolis in Egyptian mythology, she was a daughter of Nut and Geb. Nephthys was typically paired with her sister Isis in funerary rites because of their role as protectors of the mummy and the god Osiris and as the sister-wife of Set. (Source: Wikipedia)
[5] Allat: (Arabicاللات) was a pre-Islamic Arabian goddess who was one of the three chief goddesses of Mecca along with Manat and al-‘Uzza. (Source: Wikipedia)
[6] Manat: (Arabicمناة) was one of the three chief goddesses of Mecca. (Source: Wikipedia)
[7] Al-‘Uzza: (Arabicالعزى) was one of the three chief goddesses of Arabian religion in pre-Islamic times and was worshiped by the pre-Islamic Arabs along with Allat and Manat. (Source: Wikipedia)
[8] The First Council of Nicaea: (Arabic: مجمع نيقية المسكوني) was a council of Christian bishops convened in Nicaea in Bithynia by the Roman Emperor Constantine I in AD 325. This first ecumenical council was the first effort to attain consensus in the church through an assembly representing all of Christendom, although previous councils, including the first Church council, the Council of Jerusalem, had met before to settle matters of dispute. It was presided over by Hosius of Corduba, a bishop from the West who followed the Pope who was the bishop of Rome and the Patriarch of the West. Its main accomplishments were settlement of the Christological issue of the nature of the Son of God and his relationship to God the Father, the construction of the first part of the Creed of Nicaea, establishing uniform observance of the date of Easter, and promulgation of early canon law. (Source: Wikipedia)

[9] Daesh: (Arabic: داعش) the Arabic acronym for the terrorist group ISIL; Islamic State in Iraq and Levant.