Wednesday, 16 October 2019

Back to the issue of opposition from abroad






What I receive of positive comments over what I write regarding social and personal memories and stories exceed those comments over the political writings. Perhaps because the latter, due to its nature, may result in disputes that sometimes reach to be tough confrontations.

As to the social and personal memories and stories, they usually stir the emotions of some of those who read about them, as they remind them of what they lived or heard about. In many times, they include an easy explanation for the roots of the innermost composition for some Egyptians whom it happened that they witnessed similar circumstances. Such memories and stories also include material that could be a resource or “raw material” for researches in sociology and social psychology…

Therefore, I do not exaggerate when I say that every time I prepare myself to write this article, I feel more biased to record more personal and social memories, until the political circumstances prevail due to my interest in what is taking place in our reality.

I discovered that I usually break my promise for the reader, as many articles end with a promise to continue later, including a recent article discussing the issue of opposition from abroad, where I gave an example for this with what happened to Muhammed Farid; leader of Al-Watani party, and what happened in the time of Nasser, as I made a promise to continue telling what happened in the time of Sadat, but I did not fulfill my promise, maybe because there was another topic that was more compelling or perhaps because I was part of that and was an eye witness over that era, and contributed politically and intellectually to it. I also thought that this issue requires more focus and scrutiny as it has many sides and is difficult to be abridged in one or two articles, for, in my opinion; there is no enough space for the long-term series in a daily newspaper.

Anyway, in Sadat’s era, starting after leader Nasser’s death in 1970 and passing with events in May 1971 when he was in total command of Egypt’s rule, this era witnessed an opposition where what was pure political was mixed with what was generally national…

By pure political, I mean anything that has ideological aspects most of them were leftist, and which had the opinion that what happened in May 13, 1971 by Sadat was a relapse to Nasser’s orientations, although Sadat did not hesitate since the beginning to declare that he would adopt Nasser’s vision and he bowed in front of his bust in parliament.

As to what is generally national, I mean anything related in the first place to the big national cause bothering all of us, at that time that was the Zionist Israeli aggression against Egypt and liberating our occupied land.

It happened that I was then one of a bunch of youth whom most of them were university students and some others were fresh graduates, and who had connections with leaders of workers or professional associations. All of them were members of the “Socialists’ vanguard” political group and members of the Socialist Youth organization, and they all adopted a common political and social belief under the title of “the Nasserist movement”.

I claim that that time era; starting from 1971 until the October 1973 war, witnessed a massive political and intellectual activity, as universities were in the heart of the political movement, and students’ unions were very strong to the extent that they were present at the forefront of the political movement. All that was manifested in 1972 with a lot of details that are so many and more complicated to be abridged in such small space…

At that time, the Nasserist-Marxist dialogue over the theory, approach, phasing and strategy was at its peak. Also, the national cause was discussed extensively on the table. Moreover, that era witnessed a massive intellectual rich activity, as “At-Talie’a” or the Vanguard magazine along with Al-Kateb and Al-Fekr Al-Mo’aser magazines were thriving with each one of them representing a different political and ideological orientation. Also, the political and intellectual gathering clubs used to exist and expand in the university.

Sadat tried to deal with what was happening through many ways… the security agencies’ way by doing some arrests from time to time… and another way of containing anger by arranging meetings with leaders of those movements… a third way was paving the way for the islamist opposition to take place by empowering the islamist groups in the university, as Kamal Abul-Magd organized what was called “the first Islamic assembly” in Ain Shams University in February 1972 to stand in opposition to Nasser’s intellectual assembly established in 1971…

At a later stage, Sadat made direct meetings between himself and students’ leaders. I was present in the meeting arranged for Ain Shams University on Thursday September 20, 1973 in Burg el-Arab and attended by Mamduh Salem, Kamal Abul-Magd and the elite professor Dr. Ismail Ghanem; the rector. The meeting started at 10 AM and lasted to 3 PM…

After the victory in 1973, the political opposition became less intense, until Infitah took place, and the uprising of January 1977 happened which was an explosion for the opposition on another broad national basis; the social cause. At that time, Sadat aimed to break this by his visit to Jerusalem, for the political opposition to be present again in a more intense way, and for the social and political causes to unite once again.

And so, opposition groups started to exist abroad, as there were many of that era’s leaders, also of journalists, writers and artists there. They travelled and settled in European and Arabic capitals. And so, organizations were established and radio stations were launched, and waves of attacking Sadat’s policies started until he was assassinated on the hands of his islamist allies in October 1981.

In my opinion, and as per a thorough observation for what happened, I can say that Saddam Hussein, Gaddafi and Yasser Arafat all sought to take the place of the Egyptian role and worked hard for achieving such thing. And so, the Egyptian opposition abroad, distributed among those capitals, was not a way from those leaders’ attempts by using them for achieving their goals. This is a long story I believe we desperately need to put under the spot and analyze to come up with lessons from it, as all those attempts to change the ruling regime in Egypt failed.

Translated by: Dalia Elnaggar


This article was published in Almasry alyoum newspaper on October 16, 2019.

To see the original Arabic article, go to:

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