Thursday, 19 January 2017

Nasser… questions and answers




From time to time, I see some writings whose writers ask with wonder and disapproval: when will Nasser die? Or why is Nasser not yet dead? Then they volunteer to give many answers for their questions.

Some of them think that Nasser’s policies and stances, or even the July 23, 1952 revolution in the first place, is the reason behind Egypt’s problems on all levels. Some others believe that the only condition to go forward is to bid farewell to the past and even execute it; whether regarding thought or politics. While some others think that nostalgia to the past and Patriarchy or father-rule are symptoms of psycho-sociological diseases the masses get inflicted with.

That is why – no matter their answers are – they all get surprised when they see some people lifting Nasser’s posters in demonstrations and marches and chant his name, stances and ideology… not ending by the profuse writings glorifying him, his ideology and stances. They even get more amazed when they find that this phenomenon is not limited to Egypt alone but actually extends to other countries in the region, especially Lebanon and occupied Palestine… and even in places far away from the region like some countries in Latin America whose leaders and politicians are proud to declare they are Nasserist.

If we put the question aside – along with those who came up with answers to it and got busy finishing off Nasser’s legacy using all means – we would find that the question is logical and is strongly present right now in the political mentality; whether in Egypt or abroad.

We can even reformulate the question to be: why do nations get attached to certain figures and ideas that belong to past eras? And what is the difference between negative unhealthy nostalgia and positive healthy nostalgia? And is it a necessity that in order to achieve the present and future’s goals we have to eliminate the past?

My answer to these questions depends on many things. The first is the continuity, disruption or change of circumstances faced by the country on two main aspects; one of them is security, meaning defending its national borders, protecting it over land, sea and air and securing people’s life, the other aspect is maintaining justice among people. And so, if the nation is facing the same dangers on the security and justice levels, the society remains attached to the symbol, ideology and practices that proved to have accomplished noticeable achievements in those two aspects and people felt their effect.

The second thing has to do with the concept of opposition. In our case here, it means that as long as the country enemies – meaning those who threaten its security and undermine its stability whether domestically or abroad – declare their animosity to and keep defaming a certain figure, the society as a whole; meaning its broad masses, gets automatically more attached to this figure attacked by the enemies.

Living societies always pay attention to determining who the enemy is, then they start reordering their priorities and get more connected to the figures that once advocated their national security, social equality and national dignity. Therefore, Nasser; symbol and ideology, will always be living among us, as opposing to the wishes of some who want to get rid of his ideology and policies. The Nasserite era represents the renaissance experiment that was not meant to continue and that is not precedent in the contemporary and modern history of Egypt; meaning since Muhammed Ali Pasha renaissance experiment at the beginning of the 19th century and until the beginning of the fifties of the 20th century, as Nasser issued the two laws of determining working hours and minimum limit of wages. After this, he issued the law of agricultural reform and the rest of the details that affirmed his alignment to the broad masses of the society. In my opinion, that was the most distinguished achievement in the legacy of Nasser and July, 23 revolution since there could be other common features between the two experiments; Nasser and Muhammed Ali, on the security level.

Moreover, Egypt is still witnessing many threats to its national security and regional role. These threats, even if changed in some features; as terrorism, chaos, destroying the national army and dismantling the society and its historical cohesion came atop of the list, are still imminent, after the Zionist threat was once atop of it since it seems to have backed a little now or it is more correct to say is postponed.

Also, Egypt is working hard to continue maintaining justice nationwide by guaranteeing fair distribution of national wealth and economic burdens, establishing the community of sufficiency and justice, guaranteeing welfare of its people by guaranteeing their main rights in citizenship and work, providing necessary needs of education, health services, shelter and others, and not ending by providing entertainment that became a necessity for normal life.

The more the broad masses of society miss national security and justice, the more they recall the figures representing national conscience, especially in the nearest ring of history when security and justice were achieved. Then they glorify this national symbol or figure, in this case; Nasser. This is not an unhealthy nostalgia to the past but a way to defend their existence and to prove that achieving security and justice is possible. Their evidence in such case is that figure they recall from the history; Nasser.

Now I say to those asking with wonder and disapproval: in order to achieve what you want, you have to guarantee security and justice in higher rates and on wider areas. However, I doubt their ability to do such thing because most of them – if not all – do not know the meaning of the comprehensible national security. They do not consider Egypt’s role in the region and the whole world as a priority. Also, absence of justice is the essential condition for their existence since they will not be able to accumulate massive fortunes except with injustice and social inequality.

Translated into English by: Dalia Elnaggar


This article was published in Al Ahram newspaper in January 19, 2017.

To see the original article, go to:


#alahram #ahmed_elgammal #Nasser

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