Thursday 21 April 2016

The fallacy





The biggest and most dangerous fallacy - if not a lie – regarding the two islands’ issue is that some deliberately intend to divide dispute or quarrel parties into two categories. The first one includes those believing the two islands are Egyptian and that we should stick to our rights in them shouting out loud that land is honor, dignity, and homeland itself. The second, meanwhile, includes those believing the two islands are Saudi and should be returned back. Such differentiation describes the first group as the patriot one we should listen to and worthy to decide the nation’s fate while the second was the one including the traitors who agreed to cede our sovereignty on the two Red Sea islands to Saudi Arabia; meaning they agreed to give away our honor and dignity, and hence we should not listen to them or even let them live on our land.

It’s not the first such incident in our contemporary history, especially after July 1952 revolution. Although History does not repeat itself, its incidents sometimes may look alike giving the same moral. Almost the same false arguments and dissemination took place at the time of the Anglo-Egyptian agreement of 1954 regarding evacuation of English troops, and even raged after signing and declaring the agreement to the public. Criticism, attack, and even claims of betrayal were leveled at Gamal Abdel Nasser and his fellow Free Officers[1]. No one of those attackers, who behaved as symbols of patriotism and honor and considered themselves the sage philosophers and genius professors of law and diplomacy of all times, paid attention to the efforts exerted by Nasser and the experts and scientists; members of the negotiating delegation, not even to the objective circumstances governing the negotiation atmosphere along with all the tiny specific details connected to the case. Nasser was then-Prime minister and head of the Egyptian delegation in negotiation. He was accompanied by Abdel Hakim Amer[2], Abdel Latif al-Bughdadi[3], Salah Salem[4], and Mahmoud Fawzi[5]. The agreement included thirteen articles in addition to other annexes and attachments. However article no. 12, which included three clauses, was the one under heavy attack.

The first clause in article no. 12 stipulated that: this agreement shall be effective for a period of seven years as of signing date. The second: the two governments shall negotiate during the last twelve months of the agreement’s effective period to decide all necessary measures that should be taken at the end of the agreement. The third clause: this agreement is rendered ineffective after seven years starting as of the signing date, and government of the United Kingdom shall transfer or take action regarding what is left of its proprieties in the Suez base at that time unless the two governments agree on extending this agreement. The fourth article also received fierce attack of betrayal claims for it has stipulated: “in the event of an armed attack by some outside power on any state member of the common defense pact of the Arab league signed upon in Cairo on April 13, 1950, or on Turkey at the signing of this agreement, Egypt shall provide to the United Kingdom all that is necessary to prepare the base for war and guarantee its effective management. Such facilitating measures include using the Egyptian ports within limits specified by ultimate urgency for the purposes before mentioned”. Severe criticism and claims of betrayal were directed at Nasser and his fellows accusing them of not expelling the English troops at once and that they gave away Egyptian territory when they agreed to the return of the English troops to the Suez base and Egyptian ports... Days passed and Britain was expelled not only from Egypt but also from the history of big nations after the Tripartite Aggression of the Suez Crisis on 1956 took place, in addition, the agreement was declared null and void.

Another example of such incident was when Egypt signed the agreement acknowledging Sudan’s right in self-determination provided that full self-governance in Sudan should start at once. It was on November, 1952. At that time, attackers claimed that July 1952 revolution had given away the Egyptian territory as they considered Sudan part of it, and called Nasser a traitor for he has agreed to give the Sudanese the right to decide their fate. Until our present time, some still refer any problem arising between Egypt and Sudan to that so-called giving away by Nasser and the July revolution.

All those hurling criticism, now and before, forgot what Nasser and the July revolution did when they called for the right of people to decide their fate and that freedom of countries is inseparable of that of people. They forgot that Nasser outshined in the whole world through two consecutive decades because he was one of the pioneers calling for national liberation. They also forgot that Egypt stood for the right of Third World countries in Asia, Africa, and Latin America to liberate.

Turning back to Tiran and Sanafir issue, I stop by those who made such ugly dissemination and say – ignoring for the first time names and lines written, including someone pretending to be the philosopher of all times – I think we should now focus on two issues. First, we should let our parliament fully take up its role as to debating the accord of outlining the Egyptian-Saudi maritime borders as per all criteria of precision in order to come out with the right decision. The second is to avoid any aftermath that may affect our relation with the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and our brother Arabs in states of the Gulf Cooperation Council for I believe the siege imposed on our country from all sides; west, east, north, and south, requires that we should keep good relations with our direct eastern neighbor who did not hesitate to stand by our side at the darkest moments because our neighbor believes that Egypt collapse would eventually lead to his, sooner or later.

In my opinion, it’s not a matter of sticking to land or giving it away, nor a matter of betrayal or patriotism, but rather a matter of wrong or right judgment. The first lacks multi-sided justified causes while the second depends heavily on those justified causes. Nasser signed the Anglo-Egyptian agreement of evacuation on 1954, and before that al-Nahhas Pasha[6] signed the Anglo-Egyptian treaty of 1936, and time was enough for Egypt to overcome what was not in her favor.

Translated into English by: Dalia Elnaggar



This article was published in Al Ahram newspaper on April 21, 2016.

To see the Arabic article, go to:

#alahram #ahmed_elgammal #Egypt #july_23 #1952 #gamal_abdel_nasser #Sudan #Tiran #sanafir




[1] The Free Officers(Arabic: حركة الضباط الأحرار) were a group of nationalist officers in the armed forces of Egypt and Sudan that instigated the Egyptian Revolution of 1952. It operated as a clandestine movement of junior officers during the 1948 Arab–Israeli War. Muhammad Naguib joined the Free Officers in 1949, after the war, and became their official leader during the turmoil leading up the revolution because of the hero status he had earned during the war, and his influence in the army. (Source: Wikipedia)
[2] Mohamed Abdel Hakim Amer(Arabic: محمد عبد الحكيم عامر) (11 December 1919 – 14 September 1967) was an Egyptian general and political leader. (Source: Wikipedia)
[3] Abdel Latif Bughdadi(20 September 1917 – 9 September 1999) (Arabic: عبد اللطيف البغدادي) was an Egyptian politician, senior air force officer, and judge. An original member of the Free Officers Movement which overthrew the monarchy in Egypt in the 1952 Revolution, Bughdadi later served as Gamal Abdel Nasser's vice president. The French author Jean Lacouture called Boghdadi "a robust manager" who only lacked "stature comparable to Nasser's. The two leaders had a fallout over Nasser's increasingly socialist and pro-USSR policies and Bughdadi subsequently withdrew from political life in 1964, although he mended ties with Nasser before the latter's death in 1970. (Source: Wikipedia)
[4] Salah Salem(Arabic: صلاح سالم) (September 25, 1920 – February 18, 1962) was an Egyptian military officer, and politician, and a member of the Free Officers Movement that orchestrated the Egyptian Revolution of 1952. (Source: Wikipedia)
[5] Mahmoud Fawzi(Arabic: محمود فوزى) (19 September 1900 – 12 June 1981) was an Egyptian diplomat and political figure of Circassian origin who was Prime Minister of Egypt from 1970-1972 and Vice President of Egypt from 1972-1974. (Source: Wikipedia)
[6] Mustafa el-Nahhas Pasha or Mustafa Nahhas(Arabic: مصطفى النحاس باشا; June 15, 1879 – August 23, 1965) was an Egyptian political figure. (Source: Wikipedia)

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